Trahir le temps: 4. 1000. De l'an mil

 

 

                                         1000. DE L'AN MIL

 

 

    1000 fait partie d'un "club" très fermé de dates autour desquelles s'organise l'histoire de l'Occident: 1(ou 33), 476, 8OO, 1000, 1453, 1492, 1789, 1848... L'An Mil a tout pour y figurer, vu sa double dimension universelle: tout le monde chrétien, attendant la fin du monde. Il n'en fut rien. Ce résumé d'Edmond Pognon ([1]), spécialiste de l'An Mil, nous servira d'introduction:

 

"Dès qu'il est question de l'an mille, le public pense fin du monde. C'est en matière d'histoire une de ses réactions les plus constantes. Il est entendu qu'à la fin du Xe siècle, les hommes, persuadés que la millième année de l'Incarnation serait la dernière de la terre et verrait se lever ,n'eurent désormais plus d'autre souci que de préparer leur âme à affronter l'éternelle Justice; une torpeur résignée fit retomber leurs bras et suspendit leurs travaux; espérant se gagner la clémence divine avec des biens qu'ils pensaient perdre bientôt, ils multiplièrent leurs offrandes aux églises. Des prodiges, des épidémies, des troubles atmosphériques anormaux, des famines vinrent à point confirmer et accroître leurs terreurs. Toute activité s'arrêta. Puis, l'an mille passé, un immense espoir s'épanouit dans les coeurs; on se remet à vivre, à cultiver la terre, à bâtir - à bâtir surtout, - et voilà que le monde revêt de toutes parts le 'blanc manteau des églises neuves'[selon la formule consacrée de Raoul Glaber, dont il sera souvent question ici; D.M.].

 Tel est le schéma qui s'esquisse presque immanquablement dans les esprits à l'évocation de l'an mille([2]). Or il ne correspond nullement à la vérité historique. Depuis plus de cinquante ans, les érudits et des historiens sérieux constatent et affirment en toute occasion que le monde chrétien passa sans appréhension particulière du Xe au XIe siècle [...] pendant tout le Xe siècle, un seul personnage de nous connu a assigné au monde régénéré par le Christ un terme de mille ans, et rien ne permet d'affirmer qu'il ait effrayé beaucoup de gens, bien au contraire. Nous allons maintenant assister à une aventure peut-être unique dans l'histoire de la pensée humaine: celle d'une doctrine à peine professée, et sans succès, à l'époque où elle eût été d'actualité, et qui, près de six siècles plus tard, renaît d'un germe infime, s'enfle sans mesure, acquiert par degrés un crédit presque universel. Quelque chose comme un ".

 

   Ainsi, l'année chronologique 1000 n'avait rien de spécial qui permettrait de l'extraire de la série des années qui l'entouraient, telles 993, 1007, 1016. Elle est devenue "An Mil" beaucoup plus tard, vers 1600. Il s'ensuit, et c'est là mon premier argument, que l'An Mil n'est pas un "sujet médiéval" - ni de médiévistes -, mais un "sujet moderne", donc de modernistes. Tous les spécialistes s'accordent, on l'a vu, pour affirmer que l'An Mil est une légende; et pourtant, pratiquement toutes les études qui lui ont été consacrées depuis un siècle ont, pour centre de gravité, le tournant des Xe et XIe siècles; ce qui s'explique par le fait que les auteurs de ces études sont tous des médiévistes: Lot, Focillon, Focillon, Duby ([3]). Ma première ambition sera de réintégrer la légende de l'An Mil dans son contexte historique: l'ère moderne.

 

   L'étude d'une légende vivante devrait s'articuler autour de trois axes: émergence, diffusion, résistance. Dans les pages qui suivent je ne traiterai que des deux premiers, réservant une étude à part à la persistance de l'An Mil dans la conscience collective et, fait encore plus intrigant, dans les écrits des historiens, et en premier lieu de ceux-là même qui en proclament le mal-fondé. Je proposerai ici des hypothèses explicatives quant à l'émergence de la légende et à sa formidable propagation. On verra alors que celle-ci fut loin d'être "universelle", comme l'affirme Pognon; ce qui m'incitera à appliquer une approche différentielle et à faire appel au concept d'"immunité culturelle": l'analyse d'un texte, d'un groupe, d'une période à travers ce qu'on n'y trouve pas, alors que tout les prédisposait à en être imprégné (je dois ce concept à Michael Baxandall([4])).

 

 

L'An Mil médiéval: une double absence

 

 On a tout, et bien fait pour démolir la légende de l'An Mil; mais si on posait le problème à l'envers: comment l'an 1000 s'est-il écoulé sans provoquer de terreurs apocalyptiques:

 "Heureux et saints ceux qui ont part à la première résurrection, dit le célèbre XXe Chapitre de l'Apocalypse selon saint Jean. La seconde mort n'a point de pouvoir sur eux; ils seront prêtres de Dieu et du Christ, et ils régneront avec lui pendant mille ans. Quand les mille ans seront accomplis, Satan sera relâché de sa prison, et il sortira pour séduire les nations qui sont aux quatre extrémités de la terre, Gog et Magog, afin de les rassembler pour le combat" (versets 6-8). Quoique peu clair, ce texte est suffisamment explicite pour inviter ses lecteurs à de véritables frayeurs à l'approche de la millième année de l'avènement du Christ. Et ceci à une époque où des signes bien plus "innocents" - comètes, tremblements de terre, éclipses - ont suffi pour semer de grandes paniques collectives. Ainsi, l'indifférence totale des hommes du moyen âge face à la date fatidique a tout pour nous étonner. C'est Marc Bloch qui en fournit la clé: "Si, néanmoins, on ne vit pas alors se répandre sur les masses l'universelle terreur que nos maîtres du romantisme ont eu le tort de dépeindre, la raison en est, avant tout, qu'attentifs au déroulement des saisons et au rythme annuel de la liturgie, les hommes de cette époque ne pensaient pas communément par chiffres d'années ni, moins encore, par chiffres clairement calculés d'après une base uniforme" ([5]). Autrement dit, l'écrasante majorité des hommes de l'époque ne se savait point en 1000; tandis que la toute petite minorité qui "était au courant", c'est-à-dire le milieu monastique, savait pertinemment que la lecture autorisée de l'Apocalypse, celle de saint Augustin, refusait toute interprétation littérale de mille([6]). Ceci explique cela: on voit en effet mal les masses incultes des "croyants" accepter, voire même comprendre la lecture augustinienne en voyant 1000 (ou M) s'inscrire sur les calendriers; les lectures symbolique, allégorique et anagogique des Ecritures auraient paru alors d'une opacité à la limite de l'escroquerie. "Heureusement" pour l'Eglise, peut-on dire, les terrorisés potentiels ignoraient tout et de l'approche de la date funeste, et surtout de son passage sans dommage, passage qui aurait certainement ébranlé leur croyance dans les Ecritures (les professionnels de la prophétie savent que l'ambiguïté est indispensable à leur survie; l'Apocalypse manque à cette règle, qui se prête trop facilement à une lecture littérale, dont l'inaboutissement mine la fiabilité du texte). La chronologie chrétienne est entrée dans les moeurs bien après l'an 1000, on le verra plus tard. Si les mouvements millénaristes qui se sont succédés à partir du XIIe siècle ont trouvé audience et crédibilité auprès des masses et des élites malgré leurs interprétations tirées par les cheveux de l'Apocalypse, c'est que la date littérale étant passée, seules des dates symboliques, beaucoup plus ouvertes par définition, restaient disponibles.

 

   L'an 1000, absent de la conscience des gens qui le vivaient, l'était aussi pour ceux qui en rendaient alors compte, à savoir les historiens médiévaux. Les deux absences sont liées mais pas équivalentes. Ainsi les historiens modernes font souvent appel à cette date, qui leur sert de point de repère commode - "Autour de l'an mille", "Au lendemain de l'an mille", "Aux environs de l'an mille" - sans parler pour autant des terreurs de l'An Mil, qu'ils récusent. Ces formules rhétoriques des plus courantes - voir  "peu avant 8OO", "entre 1800 et 1900" -, permettent d'ancrer le récit, l'analyse dans un temps à la fois long et peu précis. Or ces formules bénignes qui passent aujourd'hui inaperçues, les historiens médiévaux ne les pratiquaient pas - à une exception près, Raoul Glaber, on y reviendra. C'est un enseignement précieux pour expliquer la résistance de la légende de l'An Mil. Car si l'An Mil n'est pas une "réalité historique", il est certainement une "réalité du discours historique", où il est omniprésent.

   Richard Landes, dans un travail iconoclaste, prétend que les terreurs de l'An Mil ont existé bel et bien([7]). Ici cela ne change guère. Car même Landes pourrait difficilement nier le long silence - six siècles! - sur les terreurs de l'an 1000, avec ou sans guillemets. Lors de la (ré)émergence du thème vers 1600, Baronius et les historiens qui l'ont suivi n'ont disposé d'autres éléments que ceux dont nous disposons aujourd'hui - et même moins. Ces historiens ne sauraient donc servir dans le débat "ontologique". Mais ils fournissent le débat historiographique: Pourquoi l'An mil en 1600?

 

 

Emérgence

 

 "Le nouveau siècle commence. Débute la première année après le millenium, marquée indiction quatorze, nonobstant les affirmations vaines de ceux qui annonçaient la fin du monde proche, après la révélation du fils du pêché et de la perdition, dont le nom est l'Antéchrist. Elles [ces affirmations] furent professées en Gaule, et pour la première fois prêchées à Paris, et de là divulguées à travers le monde, accréditées par beaucoup, acceptées par les plus simples avec peur, par les docteurs comme improbables".

 

   La première apparition de l'An Mil a lieu, vers 1605, en tête du XIe volume des Annales ecclésiastiques du cardinal Cesare Baronius (1538-1607)([8]). Il ne pouvait mieux naître. Baronius, Supérieur de l'Oratoire depuis la mort de saint Philippe Neri en 1593, Bibliothécaire du Vatican depuis 1597, est l'historien officiel de l'Eglise catholique depuis une trentaine d'années. On est alors en pleine Contre-Réforme; et les Annales de Baronius s'inscrivent officiellement dans ce mouvement. Dès avant 1569, Baronius est appelé par Philippe Neri, fondateur de l'Oratoire, à écrire une grande et définitive histoire catholique. Sa mission: répondre à l'Histoire ecclésiastique (Bâle 1559-1574) protestante. Cette oeuvre est identifiée avec Matthias Flacius ([9]), le grand juriste humaniste, qui a réuni un groupe d'érudits éminents, qui ont respecté les règles les plus strictes de la pratique historique de l'époque, faisant amplement appel aux sources anciennes. Scientifique, ce monument était surtout polémique, son argument - son intrigue - étant l'avènement de l'Antéchrist. Le pape. Baronius était appelé à répliquer de façon non seulement orthodoxe, mais aussi documentée. Il se met à la recherche de textes anciens; et c'est cette quête archivistique, plutôt rare dans le milieu catholique, qui lui a probablement fait découvrir LA "source" de l'An Mil: les Histoires d'un auteur alors totalement inconnu, mais promis à un grand avenir, Raoul Glaber. Moine bourguignon, né vers 985, mort après 1045, Glaber a écrit une histoire qui se voulait universelle mais qui, comme bon nombre d'historiens et de chroniqueurs médiévaux, ne dépassait que rarement sa propre région et l'Ile de France. L'ambition de Glaber fut réellement mondiale; en témoigne le reproche qu'il fait aux deux grands historiens dont il prétend être le continuateur, Bède le Vénérable et Paul Diacre, à savoir qu'ils "n'ont écrit que l'histoire de leur propre peuple, de leur patrie". La portée réelle d'"universel" était néanmoins chronologique - depuis la Création -, point géographique. Glaber est surtout ce seul témoin contemporain qui raconte, et en détails, les "terreurs de l'An Mil". Or le manuscrit de Glaber n'a guère circulé au moyen âge; ainsi le grand chroniqueur "belge" Sigebert de Gembloux (v.1030-1112) le cite comme un continuateur de Grégoire de Tours, c'est à dire du VIIe siècle (il est vrai que "continuator" n'implique pas forcément une filiation directe). A l'époque de Baronius, il en existait semble-t-il trois exemplaires, deux à Paris, un au Vatican. Et c'est en effet de ces deux foyers que s'est répandue la réputation de Glaber: les Annales ecclésiastiques de Baronius, qui le citent abondamment, et les humanistes parisiens qui l'éditent dès 1596 (Pithou), en 1641 (les Duchesne) et en 1760 (dom Bouquet).

   La familiarité avec Raoul Glaber constitue, on l'a souvent démontré, la condition nécessaire pour parler des terreurs de l'An Mil, on verra qu'elle n'est pas la condition suffisante. Un autre facteur a eu, selon moi, un rôle primordial dans le sensibilité de Baronius à ce moment pseudo-historique: la pratique, toute récente, du siècle. Baronius écrit un anti-Flacius. Or l'apport historiographique majeur de l'Histoire ecclésiastique protestante est son invention du découpage en siècles de l'ère chrétienne - découpage qui, rappelons-le, n'est connu par aucune autre chronologie! Ainsi, les treize volumes publiés par Flacius et ses collègues couvrent chacun un siècle: 1-100, 101-200, 201-300, etc. D'où le nom par lequel ils sont connus de la postérité: les Centuriateurs de Magdebourg.

  Baronius ne suit le modèle de Flacius que très partiellement (alors qu'un autre polémiste catholique, Wilhelm Eysengrein le suit entièrement dans Centenarii XVI, 1566-; mais son oeuvre est restée plutôt confidentielle([10])). Si le premier volume coïncide avec le premier siècle de l'Eglise primitive, 1-100, les volumes qui suivent obéissent à ce qu'on pourrait appeler la logique référentielle du découpage: II: 101-3O6, III: 3O5-361 (305 marquant l'avènement de Constantin le Grand, 361, celui de Julien l'Apostat); IV: 361-395 (la dislocation de l'Empire romain); V: 395-440 (l'intronisation de Léon le Grand ); VI 440-518 (518: la conquête lombarde); VII: 518-590 (l'avènement de Grégoire le Grand ); VIII: 59O-714; IX: 714-842 (843 étant l'année du Traité de Verdun). La deuxième fois que Baronius préfère la découpage "arithmétique" au découpage "historique", après le premier volume, est le dixième, qui va, de ce fait, de 843 à 1000! Tout aussi significatif, le XIe volume commence par "Le nouveau siècle commence" - puis vient le passage fondateur du mythe de l'An Mil déjà cité (ce XIe volume va de 1001 à 1100, alors que le XIIe s'arrête en 1198 à cause de la mort de Baronius). C'est donc le découpage de l'Histoire en tranches de 100 ans, à partir de l'Incarnation, qui a rendu visible à Baronius l'an 1000, date et moment historique.

  Mais comment expliquer que les Centuriateurs de Magdebourg ne parlent pas des terreurs de l'An Mil, même pas dans l'article "Fin du Monde" ([11])? Je verrais quatre raisons à cette absence: a. l'Histoire ecclésiastique protestante est curieusement plus analytique que chronologique: le découpage en siècles mis à part, chaque volume traite des thèmes majeurs de l'Eglise sans se soucier de l'ordre chronologique à l'intérieur du siècle traité; b. pour les Centuriateurs, il ne pouvait pas être question d'Antéchrist autre que le pape, le pape dont l'avènement n'a rien à voir avec une quelconque année précise; c. l'histoire de l'Eglise, selon eux, est une longue décadence qui mène inéluctablement à la Réforme luthérienne; le renouveau de l'après-1000, dont il sera longuement question ici, est en contradiction avec leur argument téléologique et linéaire; d. Flacius et ses collaborateurs ne connaissaient pas Raoul Glaber (ni, d'ailleurs, Abbon de Fleury). Cette quatrième raison est décisive (Ainsi, le recueil historique du juriste protestant Johannes Wolf, Lectiones memorabiles et reconditae, Francfort, 16OO(!), ne consacre guère plus d'attention à l'année 1OOO qu'aux années qui l'entourent - car Wolf ne connaissait pas Glaber non plus). L'An Mil de Baronius repose, selon moi, sur l'heureuse conjoncture des deux facteurs, le siècle et Glaber. Le fait que Baronius ait rédigé les dixième et onzième volumes vers 16OO a rendu peut être plus visible encore ce "tournant de siècle"; de même, cette coïncidence a peut être sécrété une idée qu'on retrouvera plus tard, à savoir l'équation "fin d'époque=fin de siècle"([12]).

 

   Il ne fait pas de doute, à présent, que nous devons à Cesare Baronius le mythe de l'An Mil, il n'a presque pas été repris par les historiens catholiques. La constatation n'est pas banale, vu le prestige et l'autorité des Annales ecclésiastiques, comparables, et souvent comparés à l'Histoire ecclésiastique d'Eusèbe. Cette absence pourrait s'expliquer par la méfiance de la Contre-Réforme envers tout ce qui relevait du sur-naturel non-dogmatique - appelé le "superstitieux" - car difficilement contrôlable. L'idéal jésuite d'une spiritualité rationnelle et dogmatique ne laissait en effet pas de place pour cette effervescence apocalyptique décrite par Baronius, qui la condamne d'ailleurs. L'avenir prouvera le bien-fondé de cette méfiance, les terreurs de l'An Mil étant devenues, au XIXe siècle, une arme anticléricale de choix.

   Baronius est tout aussi absent chez les propagateurs du mythe. La raison en est rhétorique. Si Baronius n'est pas cité comme source de ce qu'il a inventé, même pas par ceux, tels Le Vasseur, Fleury et Longueval, qui le considèrent comme L'autorité en d'autres matières, c'est que "son" An Mil diverge rapidement de celui qui l'a emporté par la suite. Pour le dire vite, le sien est symptomatique, le leur, périodologique.

 

 

L'An Mil "Ancien Régime": Un emploi différentiel

 

   Les historiens critiques de l'An Mil ont eu deux grands mérites. Ils ont réfuté, et d'une façon définitive, sa réalité; et ils ont inventorié les références à l'An Mil de Baronius à 1800; une entreprise que seul l'acharnement inégalé, inégalable des érudits dits "positivistes" des années 1870-1920 permettait de réaliser. En recoupant leurs études, et en ajoutant mes deux "trouvailles", on arrive à une liste apparemment exhaustive ([13]). Une liste qui nous réserve une véritable surprise: elle ne contient, en tout et pour tout, que dix (neuf?) textes:

 

REFERENCE A L'AN MIL AVANT 18OO

 

V.16OO: Cardinal Cesare Baronius, Annales ecclesiastici, Anvers, Tome XI, Anno 1001; contexte: superstitions à combattre. Source: Abbon de Fleury et Raoul Glaber, Livre II; (Anno 1003, Glaber, III, 4)

1633 : Jacques Le Vasseur, Annales de l'Eglise cathédrale de Noyon, Paris, pp. 131-132; Contexte: (re)constructions religieuses; source: Raoul Glaber, III,4.

1680 : Francis Tallents, A View of Universal History, From the Cration ... to 1680, Londres, avant 1000: "A strong and general belief, that after year 1000, Anti-Christ should appear, and the General Judgment soon after follow. Where that fear was over, Churches were rebuilt and inlarged"; source: Baronius, 1001, 1003.

1683 : Abbé Claude Fleury, Moeurs des Chrétiens, Paris, p.387; contexte: renouveau des constructions et des moeurs religieux; source: Glaber, III, 4 (première version dans l'édition de 1682, sans sources citée).

V.1690: Pseudo-Jean Tritheim, Annales Hirsaugienses (d'Hirsau), Saint-Gall, Anno 1000; contexte: terreurs apocalyptiques; source: aucune.

1724 : Henry Sauval, Histoire et Recherches des Antiquités de la Ville de Paris, Paris, Tome I, p.295 (posthume; Sauval est mort en 1676); contexte: (re)constructions des églises, particulièrement Notre-Dame de Paris; source: Glaber, III,4.

1734 : Père Jacques Longueval, Histoire de l'Eglise gallicane, Paris, Tome VII, pp.102-103 et 105; contexte: renouveau des constructions d'églises et de la discipline religieuse; sources: abbon de Fleury et Glaber, III,4.

1769 : William Robertson, A View of the State of Europe from the Subversion of the Roman Empire to the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (tableau qui précède The History of Charles the Fifth), Londres, pp.26-27 et note xiii, pp.285-287; contexte:"Les causes les plus reculées des Croisades"; sources: diverses, dont abbon de Fleury et Glaber, Livre IV,6 (!).

1773 : Abbé Saverio Bettinelli, Del Risorgimento d'Italia negli studj, nelle arti e ne costumi dopo il mille, Venise, Tome I, pp.36-38; contexte: le renouveau de la culture italienne; source: aucune. (Repris tel quel par Pierre-Louis Ginguène, Histoire littéraire d'Italie, Paris, 1811 (écrit en 1802), Tome I, pp.111-112).

168?, 1805-6): Bossuet (attribué à), Discours sur l'histoire universelle. Depuis l'an 800 jusqu'à la naissance du Dauphin, Paris, Stéréotype d'Herman, An XIV; XIe siècle 1001: "On publie la fin du monde mille ans après Jésus-Christ, et à cause de la déparavationdes moeurs"; source: aucune.

 

   Un premier constat s'impose. Les dix auteurs cités ne se réfèrent explicitement jamais les uns aux autres, Tallents mis à part. Le Pseudo-Jean Tritheim, Bossuet et Bettinelli ne citent pas de sources du tout, alors que les autres renvoient à Glaber et, dans une moindre mesure, à Abbon de Fleury. Or il s'agit, en général, d'historiens qui rendent justice à leurs sources, anciennes mais aussi modernes (signalons toutefois le texte du père Longueval qui trahit une connaissance certaine de Fleury, sans pourtant le citer: est-ce dû à l'hostilité des Jésuites envers l'abbé Fleury? de même, la ressemblance entre le texte de Le Vasseur et celui de Baronius n'est pas dûe au hasard). Et pourtant, les historiens critiques du mythe proposent tous des schémas de diffusion où la transmission se fait dans une chaîne quasi-causale: de Baronius à Le Vasseur à Sauval à Fleury à Robertson - et de Robertson à Michelet, Sismondi, Henri Martin. Tous ces schémas s'accordent en effet pour accuser - le terme n'est pas trop fort - William Robertson d'être la plaque tournante. Le premier à avoir imputé ce rôle à Robertson fut Raoul Rosières, dans son article fondateur, excellent par ailleurs, de 1878 ([14]):

 

 "En 1769 enfin, Robertson fit paraître son Histoire de Charles Quint, en tête de laquelle se trouvait le célèbre Tableau des progrès de la Société en Europe. C'est grâce à cet opuscule, sans aucun doute, que la légende de l'An Mil triompha. Elle s'y présentait, acceptée enfin franchement, doctement exposée, justifiée de savantes citations [...] Le livre de Robertson, lu, traduit, vanté par les érudits, eut une très grande vogue au commencement de notre siècle; nos historiens, en l'étudiant, furent frappés de cet épisode qu'il semblait si irréfutablement établir; ils l'accueillirent de confiance, s'en persuadèrent, s'empressèrent de le raconter à leur tour; et les faits qui le constituaient, coordonnés, exagérés, amplifiés, donnèrent bientôt lieu à l'émouvant récit que nous savons par coeur".

 

   Le scénario est reepris par Jules Roy (qui est le seul à rendre hommage à Rosières), par Pietro Orsi, par Frédéric Duval (qui l'attribue à Roy), par Lot, enfin par Edmond Pognon: "En 1769, l'Anglais Robertson met pour la première fois la thèse en forme; c'est lui qui a rassemblé les textes fallacieux. Son ouvrage, traduit en français, allait être, par une contestable anglomanie, répandu dans nos écoles. Michelet et ses émules n'ont fait que parer le thème". Suspect consensus.

   Le récit de Rosières a, comme premier défaut, l'absence de toute référence à Robertson chez les historiens censés n'être que ses épigones - ou ses victimes. A sa décharge: les historiens sont parfois avares en références. Deuxième défaut: les sources anciennes sur lesquelles s'appuient les propagateurs du mythe. Les Histoires de Raoul Glaber sont certes incontournables, ainsi Robertson s'y réfère. Mais pas au "même" Glaber. Le Vasseur, Sauval, Fleury, Longueval citent le 4e chapitre du IIIe Livre des Histoires, alors que Robertson cite le 6e chapitre de ce IIIe Livre. Or les historiens dits "romantiques", Michelet en tête, suivent là les historiens français.

   Devant si peu de références à l'An Mil avant 18OO, les historiens critiques de la fin du XIXe siècle ont hésité à les classer - en cet âge d'or de la taxonomie pourtant. Ce faisant, ils ont commis une bien plus grave erreur, celle de les traiter comme équivalentes, comme si l'An Mil était une entité à signification immuable qui circulait à travers les âges et les textes; et les historiens qui le véhiculaient ne faisaient que reproduire un mythe toujours identique à lui même. Je prétends que l'An Mil répondait à trois fonctions historiographiques distinctes, une descriptive-illustrative, les deux autres sont explicatives. L'appartenance d'un historien à un de ces trois courants est largement fonction de son choix des sources - et plus précisément de sa lecture de Raoul Glaber. Le dossier du réquisitoire contre Robertson est de ce fait vide.

 

I. Illustration des mentalités médiévales

 

"Dans les ombres de cette ignorance universelle, mille superstitions, comme des fauves nocturnes, ont été propagées et nourries [...] Je ne citerai que deux, plus générales qu'une quelconque superstition locale ou absurde. Au dixième siècle, on croyait partout que la fin du monde approchait [...] Cette opinion, qui paraît avoir été fondée sur quelque théorie confuse du Millenium, se dissipa naturellement, lorsqu'on vit, au onzième siècle, les saisons se succéder avec leur régularité accoutumée. Une superstition beaucoup plus frappante et permanente fut l'appel au ciel dans les controverses judiciaires, par le moyen du combat ou de l'ordalie"([15]).

 

   Chez Baronius, lépisode de l'An Mil caractérise l'état d'esprit des "croyants" de l'époque, et la condamnation des docteurs, c'est l'ensemble des Histoires qui lui sert d'appui, en premier lieu le IIe Livre où Glaber énumère prodiges et catastrophes. Dans cette lignée "folklorique" citons le Pseudo-Jean Tritheim, le passage que consacre dom Rivet au millénarisme dans l'Histoire littéraire de la France ([16]), et au premier tiers du XIXe siècle, Hallam (1818) et Sismondi (1823).

 

II. "Causes lointaines des Croisades"

 

"Une opinion qui se répandit rapidement à travers l'Europe vers la fin du dixième et le début du onzième siècle, et qui obtint un crédit universel, augmenta merveilleusement le nombre et le zèle de ces pèlerins crédules, et accrût l'ardeur avec laquelle ils entreprirent cet inutile voyage [en Palestine]. Les mille ans mentionnés par saint Jean seraient accomplis, et la fin du monde proche. Une consternation générale saisit l'humanité; un bon nombre renoncèrent à leurs possessions; et abandonnant leurs amis et familles, ils se précipitèrent en Terre Sainte, où ils imaginèrent Christ apparaître rapidement pour juger le monde"([17]).

 

   Le titre, éloquent, est de William Robertson. Ici, la description des mentalités médiévales, quoique centrale à l'argument, a une fonction explicative: c'est leur extrême crédulité à toute superstition et prophétie qui a poussé les Chrétiens vers Palestine, préparant, ou du moins annonçant les Croisades. C'est pour appuyer cette thèse que Robertson fait appel à Raoul Glaber, au 6e chapitre du IVe Livre, où on lit, en effet, que "dans le même temps, une foule innombrable se mit à accourir du monde entier vers le sépulcre du Sauveur à Jérusalem; personne auparavant n'aurait pu prévoir une telle affluence" ([18]). Or "dans ce même temps", c'est vers 1033: longtemps après les terreurs de 1000. Ici prime la continuité causale, des terreurs de l'An Mil aux Croisades; un modèle auquel n'adhère qu'un seul historien français: Joseph-François Michaud, l'historien des Croisades; on y reviendra.

 

 

III. L'An Mil, marque de rupture (fonction de périodisation)

 

"On avait répandu dans toute l'Allemagne et dans toute la France que cette dernière année du dixième siècle seroit la dernière du monde qui devoit finir mille ans après Jésus-Christ [...] Mais quand on vit l'onzième [sic] siècle commencer heureusement, il semble que le monde chrétien voulût se renouveler, du moins à l'extérieur de la religion. On commença dans presque toute la France avec une sainte émulation à réparer les anciennes Eglises, ou même à les abattre pour en construire de plus magnifiques [...] On ne se borna pas à renouveler les Temples matériels au commencement du onzième siècle: on s'appliqua à régler la discipline, et à en établir l'uniformité dans les diverses Eglises, pour y mieux conserver la paix et l'ordre"([19])

 

   Dans cette citation, on aura reconnu la référence au 4e chapitre du III Livre des Histoires de Raoul Glaber, devenu un véritable morceau d'anthologie dans l'historiographie médiévale - peu d'historiens s'y abstiennent([20]): "Comme approchait la troisième année qui suivit l'an mille, on vit dans presque toute la terre, mais surtout en Italie et en Gaule, réédifier les bâtiments des églises [...] On eût dit que le monde lui-même se secouait pour dépouiller sa vétusté et revêtait de toutes parts un blanc manteau d'églises" ([21]). Ce passage est surtout la pierre angulaire du mythe de l'An Mil dans sa version "française" (puis italienne), de Le Vasseur et Fleury à Michelet, Arcisse de Caumont et Henri Martin.

   Ici, comme chez Robertson, les mentalités médiévales servent de point de départ . Mais contrairement à Robertson, qui insiste sur la continuité dynamique qui mène des terreurs aux Croisades, les historiens français y perçoivent la rupture: "Mais quand on vit que le monde duroit encore après cette année fatale"(Fleury), "Mais quand on vit l'onzième siècle commencer heureusement"( Longueval), "Mais depuis qu'on fut parvenu aux dernières années de ce dixième siècle, et qu'on vit qu'il seroit bientôt passé"(Sauval), "Mais quand le terme fatal fut passé, et que chacun se trouva, comme après une tempête, en sûreté sur le rivage, ce fut comme une vie nouvelle, un nouveau jour et de nouvelles espérances"(Bettinelli). L'An Mil marque ainsi la fin d'une époque et le début d'une autre, il devient un instrument de périodisation. Vu que l'unique source est Glaber, c'est à la construction, religieuse puis "civile" qu'on applique le modèle: "Jusqu'au dixième siècle, nous apprend Henry Sauval, les églises étoient petites, fort obscures et tomboient alors en ruines". Mais la "fausse terreur vint à se dissiper. On commença à travailler aux Eglises, et de petites, obscures et mal faites qu'elles étoient auparavant, celles qu'on fit à la place, étoient et plus grandes et plus claires et plus belles" - à l'image de Notre-Dame de Paris. De même Le Vasseur signale qu'on se mettait alors à reconstruire Notre-Dame de Noyon, Fleury affirme que la reconstruction touchait les églises en général, Longueval, celles de "presque toute la France".

  "Quand le bâtiment va, tout va", ces auteurs passent allègrement du renouveau matériel au renouveau spirituel. Fleury le dit dans un chapitre intitulé "Rétablissement de la piété et de la discipline", car, dit-il, "il y avoit dans l'onzième siècle des abus bien plus importants à corriger" que ceux des églises. Longueval affirme pour sa part qu'"on ne se borna pas à renouveler les Temples matériels"; et Bettinelli va jusqu'à prétendre que les terreurs millénaristes passées, c'est une véritable renaissance ("Risorgimento") italienne qui commence.

 

*                    *                  *

 

 Illustration, continuité causale, rupture, les trois fonctions historiographiques de l'An Mil sont clairement distinguables. Retenons toutefois trois traits que tous les historiens propagateurs du mythe ont en commun: ils s'appuient toujours sur Raoul Glaber; ils gardent en mépris "folklorique" les mentalités médiévales; ils pensent l'Histoire en siècles. Le découpage de l'Histoire en tranches de cent ans à partir de l'Incarnation, pratique tout à fait récente, a mis beaucoup de temps à entrer dans les moeurs historiographiques. "Siècle" gardait, au XVIIIe siècle encore, son sens premier d"'âge", d'"époque": voir l'article "Siècle" dans l'Encyclopédie, voir Le Siècle de Louis XIV de Voltaire. La division en règne, en races, en dynasties l'emportait alors largement sur la division séculaire. Or les historiens d'avant 18OO ayant parlé des terreurs de l'An Mil ont tous pensé l'Histoire en siècles. Baronius a introduit cette pratique dans l'historiographie catholique; Le Vasseur découpe les Annales de l'Eglise cathédrale de Noyon en siècles: ainsi le chapitre qui précède le "ONZIESME SIECLE" se termine par ces mots: "Sur la fin de ce siècle 1000", et "Nous avons icy la fin du dixième siècle, ensemble la cheute de la race de Charlemagne" ([22]). Tallents invente la technique, souvent reprise par la suite, de cartographier l'histoire en coupes horizontales: peuples et religions -, et en coupes verticales: siècles et milléniums, technique qui rend 1000 encore plus visible. Et l'abbé Bettinelli va toujours plus loin, en composant le premier volume de son livre en six chapitres: "Etat de l'Italie avant l'an mille", "mille" (XIe siècle), "Mille Cento"(XIIe siècle),"Mille Dugento"(XIIIe siècle),"Mille Trecento"(XIVe siècle),"Mille Quattrocento"(XVe siècle").

 

 

L'immunité contre l'An Mil

 

 On a inventorié l'An Mil "ancien régime", on l'a analysé, on a même dégagé trois courants, trois fonctions différentes du mythe. Mais on a omis de dire l'essentiel: l'Ancien Régime n'a pas connu le (de) mythe de l'An Mil. Dix passages en deux siècles ne font pas une légende. Et pourtant, les apparences semblaient être favorables à sa constitution. L'autorité de Baronius d'abord, qui aurait pu le lancer dans l'historiographie catholique; l'énorme succès des Moeurs des Israélites et des Chrétiens ensuite - 28 réimpressions entre 1682 et 1800, et encore 15 jusqu'en 183O -, avait encore plus de chances de l'imposer; William Robertson, enfin, "lu, traduit, vanté par les érudits" (Rosières), n'a eu que deux "disciples", Hallam et Michaud, tardifs et hors du courant dominant du mythe. L'historien est certes appelé à traiter de l'existant; mais dans ce cas, l'absent mérite autant d'attention.

   Rosières, pionnier et auteur du meilleur texte critique sur l'An Mil, l'a déjà remarqué, qui écrit:"...bien qu'admis sans conteste, [ces faits] séjournèrent longtemps dans l'archéologie avant de pouvoir s'insinuer dans l'histoire de France. Scipion Dupleix, Mézeray, Du Verdier ne le mentionnent pas. Les historiens de la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, le Père Daniel, Legendre, Velly, Vaissette, Calmet, l'abbé Fleury [F. Duval a corrigé cette erreur d'érudition ], Voltaire, ne le trouvant pas dans les vieilles chroniques, refusent encore de les accueillir"([23]) - c'est alors que Robertson entre en scène... Lot: "Toutefois, elle [la légende] ne pénètre pas encore dans le monde des lettrés. Voltaire l'ignore, dans l'article "Fin de Monde" du Dictionnaire philosophique"([24])- puis vint Robertson (signalons que l'article de Voltaire date de 1771, et nous savons par ailleurs qu'il a eu le livre de Robertson auparavant, et l'a apprécié).

  D'autres absences de référence à l'An Mil sont tout aussi significatives. Ainsi les articles "Millénaire" et "Millenium" de l'Encyclopédie n'en parlent pas. Plus étonnant, les Bénédictins de Saint-Maur dans l'Histoire littéraire de la France et dans le Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France n'en parlent pas, ni dans leur édition de Glaber, ni dans leur texte sur les tensions millénaristes au Xe siècle([25]). La seule fois où ils rapprochent notre moine bourguignon de l'année 1000, c'est pour une toute autre raison: "Cet historien n'est pas très heureux à marquer les années des événements [...] Nous ne nous amuserons point à relever tous ses anachronismes: il nous suffit de remarquer qu'il rapporte à l'année 1000 le mariage de Constance avec le roi Robert, que nous montrons ailleurs avoir été contracté à peine avant l'an 1004"([26]).

   Baronius, Fleury, Robertson, ni même Glaber n'ont réussi à lancer le mythe de l'An Mil au XVIIIe siècle; comme si les hommes étaient alors immunisés contre le virus. Au XVIIIe siècle, mais aussi bien plus tard; en réalité, cette immunité semble toujours fonctionner hors de la France (et dans une moindre mesure, de l'Italie). On voulait que Robertson en fût le premier "porteur", alors que celui-ci n'a jamais "pris" dans son pays ni dans les autres pays anglo-saxons. Les érudits des années 1870 n'ont ainsi repéré que deux historiens anglais à parler des terreurs de l'An Mil: Robertson et Hallam - Hillel Schwartz en ajoute deux références - littéraires - datant des années 1850, celle de Makay étant dans la lignée 1000 -> Croisades([27]) (alors qu'à cette date, les propagateurs du mythe en France et en Italie se comptaient par dizaines). A l'image de Robertson, c'est le millénarisme postérieur à l'année 1000 qui intéresse historiens anglais et américains contemporains. Deux exemples: le livre classique de Norman C. Cohn, dont le sous-titre dans sa version française est suffisamment éloquent: Courants millénaires révolutionnaires du XIe au XVIe siècle ([28]). Quant à Bernard McGinn, s'il consacre une page à l'An Mil, c'est pour affirmer que "sur la base d'une poignée de textes, certains historiens français du XIXe siècle et du XXe siècle ont crée l'image d'une terreur répandue à travers la Chrétienté à l'approche de l'an 1000" (c'est moi qui souligne) ([29]).

   Il semble que l'An Mil n'ait pas rencontré plus de succès en Allemagne. C'est ainsi qu'on pourrait en effet interpréter le fait que le texte réfutateur de la légende de H. von Eicken, datant de 1883, ne cite pas un seul historien allemand, et précise que c'est en France qu'il s'est enraciné.

   Le cas de l'Italie est différent. Jusqu'aux années 1840, on y signale une seule apparition de l'An Mil, chez l'abbé Saverio Bettinelli, déjà souvent cité. Il est aussi, semble-t-il, le premier à inclure "mille" dans le titre d'un ouvrage historique. Le texte de l'abbé vénitien s'inscrit dans la lignée française, il est aussi repris par Pierre-Louis Ginguené trente ans plus tard.

   Cette propagation différentielle, constatée à l'échelle internationale, l'est aussi à l'intérieur de la corporation historique française du début du XIXe siècle. Jusqu'en 183O, l'An Mil n'y apparaît que trois fois: chez Ginguené; chez Joseph-François Michaud, dans le premier volume de sa grande Histoire des Croisades([30]), qui reprend le modèle de Robertson: "A cette époque [le onzième siècle!], une prédication qui annonçait la fin du monde et la prochaine apparition de Jésus-Christ dans la Palestine augmenta encore la vénération des peuples pour les saints lieux", ce qui prépara les Croisades; et chez Charles-Léonard Simonde de Sismondi, à qui nous reviendrons sous peu.

   L'An Mil est en revanche absent de la vulgarisation historique de l'époque; et d'abord des deux ouvrages qui ont dominé le marché éditorial et scolaire de ce début de siècle, à savoir l'Histoire de France d'Antoine Anquetil - 40 réimpressions entre 1805 et 1850, - et l'Histoire de France de Mme de Saint-Ouen - 7O réimpressions et plus d'un million d'exemplaires entre 1827 et 1872 ([31]).

   L'An Mil est aussi absent des écrits des deux historiens majeurs de la Restauration, Augustin Thierry et François Guizot. Thierry avait pourtant de nombreuses occasions d'y faire allusion ([32]). Et surtout Guizot. C'est lui qui fut le premier à traduire Raoul Glaber en français; or dans la notice qu'il consacre à Glaber, point d'An Mil ([33]). L'immunité de Guizot contre ce mythe semanifeste aussi dans le troisième tome de son Histoire de la civilisation en France de 1829 ([34]), où il propose un modèle historiographique promis à un grand avenir: la France naît véritablement au tournant des Xe et XIe siècles; mais là aussi, pas d'An Mil.

  Revenons à Sismondi(1773-1842), historien suisse de formation économique, chef du socialisme petit-bourgeois selon Karl Marx, dont le flirt avec l'An Mil a connu bien de péripécies. En 1805 paraît sa première oeuvre historique: Histoire des républiques italiennes du Moyen Age; il n'y est pas encore question de l'An Mil. Installé à Paris, ayant des rapports difficiles avec le régime qu'il réprouve, Sismondi commence à publier en 1821 son Histoire des Français; dans le IVe tome, paru en 1823, on lit: "Autant qu'on pouvait comprendre les obscures prophéties de l'Apocalypse, elles semblaient annoncer que mille ans après la naissance de Jésus-Christ, l'Antéchrist commenceroit son règne, et qu'il seroit suivi de bien près par le jugement universel. Plus on avoit approché de ce terme fatal, et plus la terreur de cette catastrophe s'étoit emparée des esprits"(p.86). L'adversaire du régime s'est à peine dissimulé qui écrit: "Le clergé qui y trouvoit son avantage l'avoit fortement répandue; il invitoit tous les pécheurs à la repentance, et surtout à l'expiation, pendant le bref espace de temps qui leur étoit encore accordé; il encourageoit des donations à son profit, qui pourroient exciter des soupçons sur sa bonne foi" - le potentiel anti-clérical du mythe n'a pas échappé à Sismondi, ni, plus tard, à ses autres propagateurs; elle servira aussi de motivation au premier texte réfutateur, celui du bénédictin dom François Plaine (1873). Ce n'est pourtant pas à ce passage que reviendront les droits du spectaculaire lancement du mythe de l'An Mil, car il lui manque le "mais" du "blanc manteau" de Glaber. Il y manque l'élément constitutif à l'An Mil à la française, le "mais" qui accompagne le soulagement de l'après 1000. Les Xe et XIe siècles forment un seul massif d'ignorance, populaire et cléricale, que rien ne saurait différentier. Présentation d'autant plus significative qu'elle est en opposition avec la deuxième version de l'An Mil de Sismondi - après 183O!

 

 

1830-1870. France. L'âge d'or de l'An Mil

 

   Chose rarissime en histoire, nous sommes en mesure de dater l'entrée de l'An Mil dans la conscience collective, et ceci à quelques mois près: fin 1830, début 1831. Avant cette date, il était tout à fait confidentiel; après, il est devenu un lieu commun. Témoin de cette éclosion, le tableau récapitulatif qui suit, et qui ne retient que les grands historiens des années 183O qui parlent explicitement et dans des endroits stratégiques des terreurs de l'An Mil:

 

1831(avril):Jules Michelet, Introduction à l'histoire universelle, p.82; "Vers l'an 1000, le monde du moyen âge, étonné d'avoir survécu à cette époque, pour laquelle on lui annonçait depuis si long-temps sa destruction, se mit à l'ouvrage avec une joie enfantine, et renouvela la plupart des édifices religieux. -C'était, dit un contemporain, comme si le monde, se secouant lui-même, et rejetant ses vieux lambeaux, eût revêtu la robe blanche des églises"; source: Raoul Glaber, III, 4..

1831:Arcisse de Caumont, Cours d'antiquités monumentales, 4ème Partie, pp.11O-111 ("Professés à Caen en 183O"); "Une ère nouvelle commença pour les arts en même temps que le XIe siècle. L'apathie et le découragement dans lesquels l'attente de la fin du monde avait tenu les esprits partout le Xe siècle se dissipèrent bientôt pour faire place à une activité prodigieuse"; source: implicite à Glaber.

1833 : Jules Michelet, Histoire de France, Paris, Tome II, Livre 4, pp.131-145; le IVe volume commence en l'an 1000, avec les pages qui ont "fait" la légende de l'An Mil(le premier chapitre a d'ailleurs pour titre:"L'an 1000...); source principale: Raoul Glaber

1834 :Henri Martin, Histoire de France, Paris, Tome III, pp.1-4(!); quatre pages consacrées aux terreurs et au renouveau architectural qui les a suivi; source quasi-unique pour les années 980-1045: Raoul Glaber

1835 : J.-C.-L. Simonde de Sismondi, Histoire de la chute de l'Empire romain et du déclin de la civilisation de 25O à 1000, T.II, p.396-4OO (Conclusion, l'allusion à Gibbon étant évidente); la première fois, mais certainement pas la dernière, que 1000 apparaît dans un titre de livre d'histoire français; remarquons la différence entre la version de 1823 et la présente: "Il existe cependant une cause qui force à s'arrêter à la fin du Xe siècle, même celui qui voudrait poursuivre au-delà son récit: c'est l'attente presque universelle de la fin du monde à cette époque"(396). "C'est aussi sur ce seuil si long-temps redouté de millième année que nous nous placerons, pour prendre un dernier congé des dix premiers siècles du christianisme, et pour juger l'esprit général des nations qui, à la chute de l'ancien monde, alloient commencer un monde nouveau"(399). Source: aucune dans tout le livre, mais implicitement, Guizot et Michelet d'un côté, Glaber de l'autre.

184O : Jean-Jacques Ampère, Histoire littéraire de la France avant le douzième siècle, T. III, pp.273-276; un long passage sur les terreurs de l'An Mil; source: nulle

 

   Ainsi, la quasi-totalité des historiens marquants de la Monarchie de Juillet sont là; et les historiens "mineurs" qui leur ont très rapidement emboîté le pas: Reinaud (1836), Mérimée et Lavallée (1838), du Cherrier (1841), Batissier et Crossier (1845), Vaubalnc (1847); en 1848, autre date significative, Edgar Quinet parle de l'"idée du dernier jour de la nature et de l'humanité" de "l'époque formidable de l'an 1000"([35]); puis une avalanche de références à l'An Mil qui ne se compte plus: le mythe est définitivement entré dans les "moeurs". Et en 1853, Eugène Sue s'en mèle (en attendant "La fin du premier Millenium", d'Auguste Strindberg dans les Miniatures historiques, 1905).

   Parallèlement, il est adopté en Italie: après Cesare Cantù, qui reprend le thème dans son Histoire Universelle (1842), Pietro Orsi ne compte pas moins de 17 références aux terreurs de l'An Mil chez les historiens italiens jusqu'en 1870.([36])

   L'an Mil est donc véritablement né dans les années 1830; pourquoi? Après Marc Bloch, seul Edmond Pognon essaye d'y répondre: "Nos historiens romantiques, Michelet en tête, n'eurent garde de se priver d'un aussi beau morceau de bravoure"([37]). C'est donc la lecture "gothique" du moyen âge qui a attiré les historiens vers les terreurs de l'An Mil (dont la source demeure Robertson...). Plus globalement il s'agit d'années charnières dans l'écriture de l'histoire en(de la) France. Trois exemples: les "deux France", Jeanne d'Arc et Hugues Capet, trois thèmes anciens, certes, ne sont véritablement lancés qu'en ces années-là([38]).

   Si l'explication est juste, elle est trop englobante. Il nous revient d'essayer d'expliquer, à l'intérieur du champ historiographique général, le choix de tel ou tel thème. On l'a suffisamment laissé entendre: Caumont, Michelet, Sismondi, et plus tard Quinet, reprennent, en le laïcisant, l'An Mil "français", instrument de périodisation qui sépare l'obscurité d'un moyen âge qui l'a sécrété et le frémissement qui suivait le "soulagement" de l'après-1000. Ainsi Arcisse de Caumont emploie le renouveau du bâtiment religieux pour construire un véritable système d'architecture monumentale où, aux constructions plutôt misérables du Xe siècle s'opposerait "l'architecture romane secondaire". Michelet, Sismondi, Quinet ont plus ou moins réécrit le scénario développé par l'abbé Fleury et le Père Longueval, appliquant le renouveau spirituel non pas, ou non particulièrement à l'Eglise, mais à la société en général.

 C'est là qu'intervient, selon moi, le modèle proposé par François Guizot. La conclusion du troisième Tome du Cours d'Histoire moderne, paru en 1829 sous le titre Histoire de la Civilisation en France depuis la chute de l'Empire jusqu'en 1789 mérite d'être citée presque in extenso([39]):

 

 "Pendant toute cette époque, du Ve au Xe siècle, nous n'avons pu nous arrêter nulle part; nous n'avons pu trouver, ni dans l'ordre social, ni dans l'ordre intellectuel, aucun système, aucun fait qui devint fixe, qui prit possession stable, générale, régulière, de la société ou des esprits. Une fluctuation continuelle, universelle, un état permanent d'incertitude, de transformation, c'est là le fait général dont nous avons été frappés. C'est donc du Ve au Xe siècle que s'est opéré le travail de fermentation et d'amalgame des trois grands élémens de la civilisation moderne, l'élément romain, l'élément chrétien et l'élément germain; et c'est seulement à la fin du Xe siècle que la fermentation a cessé, que l'amalgame a été à peu près accompli, qu'a commencé le développement de l'ordre nouveau, de la société vraiment moderne [...] Ce que nous avons étudié cette année, c'est le chaos, berceau de la France. Ce que nous aurons à étudier désormais, c'est la France même. A partir seulement de la fin du Xe siècle, l'être social qui porte ce nom, pour ainsi dire, est formé; il existe; on peut assister à son développement propre et extérieur [...] Quand nous nous retrouverons dans cette enceinte, Messieurs, ce sera pour parler de la civilisation française: nous datons de là; ce ne sera plus de Gaulois, de Francs, de Romains, mais de Français, de nous-mêmes qu'il sera question. (Applaudissements prolongés.)"

De même, Guizot commence ainsi le IVe Tome: "Eh bien! Messieurs, c'est à la fin du Xe siècle qu'est placé le berceau de cet être unique et complexe à la fois qui est devenu la nation française"([40])

 "Tout", veut-on nous faire croire, éloigne Guizot de Michelet, pourtant son suppléant à la Sorbonne en 1834; qu'importe: il ne pouvait ignorer le Cours de 1829-1830([41]). Il suffit évidemment de songer au Tableau de la France, que Michelet situe au livre IIIème Livre de l'Histoire de France, soit aux alentours de l'an mil, après l'avènement d'Hugues Capet. Michelet commence par ces phrases le IVe Volume de l'Histoire de France: "Cette vaste révélation de la France, que nous venons d'indiquer dans l'espace, et que nous allons suivre dans le temps, elle commence au Xe siècle, à l'avènement des Capets" - l'An Mil signale, en quelque sorte, le passage de la France de la géographie à l'Histoire([42]). Michelet, tout comme Arcisse de Caumont - le seul, d'ailleurs, à se référer au modèle élaboré par Guizot,- Sismondi, Quinet proposent tous grosso modo l'opposition entre un Xe siècle informe, délabré, ignorant et un XIe siècle qui marque la naissance de la France, de l'Europe, de la civilisation moderne. C'est donc le même modèle de Guizot, et l'An Mil en prime. Or Juillet 1830 est passé par là.

  Attribuer n'importe quoi aux révolutions, voici une démarche qui invite à la prudence. Et pourtant, 1830, c'est la seconde révolution, la bonne, pensait-on alors. Celle qui mettrait définitivement fin à un Ancien Régime ressuscité par deux réactions successives. Juillet 1830, et par effet de retour, 1789, ont marqué la génération d'historiens dont la figure emblématique est Jules Michelet. C'est à travers ces deux séismes que Michelet, Sismondi, Quinet, et aussi Henri Martin et Ampère écrivent l'histoire. Tel n'était pas vraiment le cas de Guizot. "Sa" révolution, pour ainsi dire, était le Révolution anglaise. S'il est vrai que l'Histoire de la Révolution d'Angleterre que Guizot publie en 1826-1827 traite surtout de sa première phase, celle des années 164O, c'est, à ne pas en douter, l'aboutissement "glorieux" de 1688 qui le passionne. Voir, à titre de témoignage éloquent, quoique tardif, son texte de 1850 dont le titre est une profession de foi: Pourquoi la Révolution d'Angleterre a-t-elle réussi? Discours sur l'Histoire de la Révolution d'Angleterre. Guizot commence ce discours ainsi: "La révolution d'Angleterre a réussi. Elle a réussi deux fois. Ses auteurs ont fondé en Angleterre la monarchie constitutionnelle; ses descendants ont fondé, en Amérique, la république des Etats-Unis". L'opposition entre les deux façons de faire la révolution, la rupture et la réforme, est bien présente dans les esprits de l'époque. L'opposition même entre "Ancien Régime - Nouveau Régime" est méconnu des Anglais, et comme rejetée par Guizot. Et si cette analyse est valable, il s'ensuit que l'idée d'ancrer la "naissance de la nation France" en une année précise, fut-ce pour les besoins de la pédagogie, aurait été inconcevable pour l'historien, l'homme politique Guizot. Pour les adeptes des deux Juillet, en revanche, l'Histoire n'a parfois même pas besoin de toute une année pour se faire (ou se défaire) - une journée, à la limite trois, autrement glorieuses, pourraient éventuellement suffire.

 

   Je suis conscient du caractère mécaniste de cette explication. La pratique historique contemporaine évite, autant que faire se peut, tout langage par trop causal. Tout au plus avance-t-on un complexe de circonstances, de facteurs qui auraient pesé dans un processus historique; sans évidemment prétendre en disséquer les composantes, encore moins les doser. Je me risque pourtant à maintenir l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'émergence soudaine et massive du mythe de l'An Mil "version française" en cette fin 1830 ne saurait être expliquée autrement que par "mon Juillet", comme l'appelle affectueusement Michelet quelque quarante années plus tard([43]); un Juillet renvoyant à l'autre.

   D'autres indices semblent l'appuyer. La Révolution française, on l'vu, n'a pas seulement marqué la fin d'un monde, elle a aussi clôturé un siècle. La coïncidence n'a pas échappé aux contemporains. Mais l'idée de l'équation "fin-d'un-monde = fin-de-siècle" perd rapidement beaucoup sa légitimité, pour des raisons évidentes. L'ancien monde est partout de retour. 1805 voit la suppression officielle du calendrier républicain, les noms de rues et les prénoms "républicains" l'ont précédé de cinq-dix ans([44]). Et Witold Kula remarque que même le système métrique, contribution majeure de la Révolution, et qui, par ailleurs, a joué un rôle déterminant dans la "sécularisation" - la "mise en siècles - de l'Histoire, subit des assauts importants sous l'Empire([45]).

   Coïncidence? certainement pas. Dans les années 183O la notion de "siècle" revient en force. 1833: lancement de la revue Le Siècle; 1836: La Revue du XIXe Siècle, et aussi Les Confessions d'un enfant du siècle d'Alfred de Musset; 4 juillet 1837: la Monarchie de Juillet revient au système métrique dans sa forme pure. Les pays de langue anglaise marquent un certain retard par rapport à la France. Aux Etats-Unis, la première revue intitulée The Nineteenth Century date de 1848 (!), elle est de Philadelphie; une deuxième, à Charleston, en Caroline du Sud, est lancée en 1869; alors que le prestigieux Nineteenth Century de Londres date de 1877 (et devient The Nineteenth Century and After à minuit, le 31 décembre 1900)([46]). L'An Mil, le siècle, le mètre, sont ainsi revenus - pour durer.

 

 

Epilogue au statut ambigu, entre le suggestif et l'anecdotique

 

    Le rapprochement Révolution - An Mil ("à la française") laisse quelque peu perplexe. Et pourtant, tout y est, ou presque: une rupture brutale entre un monde obscur et superstitieux et un monde de progrès; une date symbolique qui marque la rupture; et même un anti-cléricalisme virulent. "Seuls" y manquent les révolutionnaires. Or surprise: après avoir formulé puis développé ces hypothèses, je suis "tombé" sur un texte tout à fait curieux: L'An Mil, livret d'un opéra en un acte, écrit par Mélesville (pseudonyme de Anne-Honoré-Joseph Duveyrier) et de Paul-Henri Foucher, musique d'Albert Grisar, représenté à l'Opéra-Comique le 23 juin 1837, donc en plein "boom" de notre mythe. Voici ce qu'en dit Pierre Larousse, qui consacre à cette oeuvre somme toute insignifiante un article dans le Grand Dictionnaire universel(1865):"La croyance qu'on touchait la fin du monde pendant le Xe siècle donnait lieu à des fondations pieuses et non pas à des insurrections, c'est cependant une révolte des serfs contre leurs seigneurs qui est le sujet de ce livret" (article "L'an mil, opéra comique"; on aura noté l'emploi de l'affirmatif par Larousse, un propagateur un peu tardif mais très influent du mythe de l'An Mil). Certes, l'oeuvre "ne fait honneur ni au bon goût ni à l'esprit des deux auteurs"(Larousse); mais comment ne pas reproduire quelques lignes représentatives de ce livret, tirées précisément de la scène de la révolte (Scène XV):

"Landry (le serf de Godefroy de Tancarville, chef des insurgés):

A bas la corvée Pour nous plus d'affront!

L'heure est arrivée De lever le front!

Je ris de mon maître Et de son effroi

cette nuit doit être Mon aurore à moi.

Cette heure est féconde Pour l'égalité

Car la fin du monde C'est la liberté.

[les deux couplets soulignés par moi sont répétés cinq fois lors de cette scène]

Godefroy: Insolent! devant ton maître...

Landry : Nous n'avons plus de maître

Tous : A Bas! A Bas! Plus de vassaux! Plus de Soldats!"

 

   La fin est parodique: "Il paraît qu'il [saint Jean] s'était trompé dans l'addition ... de nouveaux calculs ont été faits et nous avons un peu de répit ... la fin du monde n'arrivera que le premier juillet 1837 ... mais cette fois, c'est positif"([47]).


 



([1]) Edmond Pognon, L'an mille: Oeuvres de Liutprand, Raoul Glaber, Adémar de Chabannes, Adalberon, Helgaud ( réunies, traduites et présentées par), Paris, "Mémoires du passé pour servir au temps présent", Gallimard, 1947, pp. vii et xiv.

([2]) pour un résumé encore plus "gothique" des terreurs telles qu'elles se dégagent de la littérature historique, Hillel Schwartz, Century's End, op.cit., pp.1-16.

([3]) Et ceci depuis les travaux de dom François Plaine, "Les prétendues terreurs de l'An Mille", Revue des Questions historiques, 7e Année, Tome XIII (1873), pp.145-164 et de Raoul Rosières,"La légende de l'An Mil", La Revue politique et littéraire, 2ème Série, Tome XIV, No39 (3O mars 1878), pp.919-924, qui ont, les premiers, démontré l'infondé du mythe; jusqu'à Georges Duby, L'An Mil, Paris "Archives", Gallimard/Julliard, 1967 et Daniel Le Blevec, L'An Mil, "Que Sais-Je?", Paris, P.U.F., 1976; en passant par Jules Roy, L'An Mille: Formation de la légende de l'an mille. Etat de la France de l'an 950 à l'an 1050, Paris, Hachette, 1885, Frédéric Duval, Les Terreurs de l'An Mille, Paris, Bloud, 19O8, Ferdinand Lot,"Le mythe des terreurs de l'an mille", Recueil des travaux historiques de Ferdinand Lot, Genève et Paris, 1968 (1947), Tome I, pp.398-414, Edmond Pognon, op.cit., ainsi que La Vie quotidienne en l'An Mille, Paris, Hachette, 1981, et Henri Focillon, L'An Mil, Paris, A. Colin, 1952. Hors la France on retiendra deux articles importants dans la réfutation de l'An Mil: Pietro Orsi, "L'Anno Mille", Rivista Storica Italiana, Volume IV, Facs. 1 (1887), pp.1-56, et H. von Eicken, "Die Legende von der Erwartung des Weltunterganges und der Wiederkehr Christi im Jahr 1000", Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, Band 23 (1883), pp.305-318.

([4]) Michaël Baxandall a présenté cette idée dans une conférence sur l'école de David et le romantisme allemand, qu'il a tenue lors d'une table ronde sur l'histoire sociale de l'art à l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, en janvier 1985.

([5]) Marc Bloch, La Société féodale, Paris, Albin Michel, 1968(1939), p.132.

([6]) Saint Augustin fut d'abord millénariste, avant d'adopter le système allégorique, donc non-littéral, inauguré par le donatiste Ticonius. Voir La Cité de Dieu, XX, 7-17. Sur cette question, l'article "Apocalypse" d'E. Mangenot dans le Dictionnaire de Théologie catholique, Tome I, 1ère Partie, Paris, Letouzey, 1923.

([7]) Richard Landes (et Christian Amalvi), à paraître in L'Histoire.

([8]) Sur Cesrae Baronius il existe peu d'études, et pratique- ment rien sur sa démarche érudite et historiographique. Je n'ai pas pu consulter Cyriac K. Pullapilly, Caesar Baronius, Counter-Reformation Historian, Notre Dame, 1975. Je me base ici sur le long article que lui consacre John B. Pettersen dans The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 19O7.

([9]) Sur Flacius et les Centuriateurs de Magdebourg, consulter Johannes Burkhardt, Die Entstehung..., op.cit.

([10]) Ibidem, p.29.

([11]) Flacius, Ecclesiastica Historia, XIe Volume (donc siècle), Bâle, 1567, Colonne 2O8.

([12]) C'est justement la thèse que défend Hillel Schwartz, Century's End, avec trop de conviction à mon goût.

([13]) Apparemment", car il est toujours possible, qu'une ou deux références à l'An Mil aient échappé aux érudits du XIXe siècle.

([14]) Op.cit.,(note 2), p.294.

([15]) Henry Hallam, View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, V. III, "Superstitions", Londres, 1818, pp.338-339, traduction française, P. Dutouit & A.R. Borghers, Paris, 1822; sources: Robertson, Schmidt, Histoire des Allemands, T 2, p.380(?), Histoire littéraire de la France, T. 6.

([16]) Paris, 174O, Tome VII, p.6.

([17]) William Robertson, A View of the State of Europe from the Subversion of the Roman Empire to the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century - Introduction à The History of Charles the Fifth - , pp.26-27, Londres, 1769; traduction française J.-B. Suard, Amsterdam et Paris, 1771; sources: Abbon de Fleury et Raoul Glaber, L. IV, Ch. 6.

([18]) Les Histoires, in E. Pognon, L'An Mille, op.cit., p.112.

([19]) Père Jacques Longueval, Histoire de l'Eglise gallicane, T. VII, pp. 102-105, 111, Paris, 1734; sources: Abbon de Fleury puis Glaber, III, 4.

([20]) Un exemple parmi d'autres: Jacques Le Goff, La Civilisation Médiévale, op.cit., p.46.

([21]) Ibid, p. 89.

([22]) Père Longueval, op.cit., Tome III, pp.739-740.

([23]) R. Rosières, op.cit., p.923.

([24]) F. LOT, op.cit., p.408.

([25]) Histoire littéraire de la France, op.cit., Tome VII, p.6.

([26]) Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, Paris, 176O, Tome X, p.xiv.

([27]) Charles Makay, Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds, Londres, 1852, pp.257-258 (dans la première édition de 1841 ce passage n'est pas), C.H. Fay, "Prophecies Concerning the End of the World", Universalist Quarterly 14 (1857), p.11.

([28]) Norman C. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millenium, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1957; trad. franç, S. Clémendot, Les fanatiques de l'Apocalypse; Courants millénaires révolutionnaires du XIe au XVIe siècle, Paris, Payot, 1962.

([29]) Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages, New York, Columbia University Press, 1979 (la citation est p.88).

([30]) Paris, 1812, p.42.

([31]) Antoine Anquetil, Histoire de France depuis les Gaules jusqu'à la fin de la Monarchie, Paris, 1805; Mme de Saint-Ouen, Histoire de la France depuis l'établissement de la Monarchie jusqu'à nos jours, Paris 1827; pour les tirages du dernier ouvrage, voir Martin Lyons, "Les Best-Sellers", in Henri-Jean Martin & Roger Chartier (sous la direction de), Histoire de l'édition française, Paris, Promodis, Tome III, 1985, pp.369-397.

([32]) En particulier son Histoire de la conquête de l'Angleterre par les Normands, de ses causes et de ses suites jusqu'à nos jours, Paris, 1825, dont le volume consacré aux "causes" tourne bien évidemment autour des années 1000; et ses Lettres sur l'Histoire de France, écrites dans les années 182O, et où le Moyen Age occupe, on le sait, une place centrale.

([33]) Tome VI de sa Collection de mémoires relatifs à l'histoire de France, Paris, 1824.

([34]) Histoire de la Civilisation en France depuis la chute de l'Empire romain jusqu'en 1789, transcription de son Cours d'Histoire moderne à la Sorbonne, Paris, 1829.

([35]) Edgar Quinet, Les Révolutions d'Italie, Paris, 1848, pp.105-107.

([36]) L'inventaire le plus complet des propagateurs de l'An Mil des deux côtés des Alpes demeure l'excellent article de Pietro Orsi, op.cit. Ajoutons à la liste Prosper Mérimée, "Essai sur l'Architecture religieuse du Moyen-Age, particulièrement en France", Annuaire historique de la Société de l'Histoire de France, 2ème Année (1838), pp.283-327; sur l'An Mil: "On connaît cette idée bizarre répandue par le clergé, que le monde devait finir en l'an 1000. Elle fut habilement exploitée par les prêtres, qui vendaient à beaux deniers comptants une place au paradis"(p.288).

([37]) E. Pognon, L'An Mille, op.cit., p.xv.

([38]) Voir les études de Krzystof Pomian, Michel Winock et Laurent Theis respectivement,in Les Lieux de Mémoire, Vol III, à paraître. Christian Amalvi a en partie étudié cette conjoncture dans "L'historiographie française face à l'avènement d'Hugues Capet et aux terreurs de l'an mil: 1800-1914", in Religion et culture autour de l'an mil, Paris, Picart, 1990 (colloque de 1987), pp.245-255.

([39]) F. Guizot, op.cit., pp.204-205.

([40]) Paris, 1830, p.4.

([41]) Sur les rapports entre ces deux grands historiens, voir le témoignage à la fois admiratif et critique de Michelet dans une note qu'il a rédigée vers 1868-1869, et éditée par P. Viallaneix sous le titre "L'héroïsme de l'esprit", in Jules Michelet, Oeuvres Complètes, éditées et présentées par Paul Viallaneix, Tome IV ("Préface" de Jacques Le Goff), Paris, Flammarion, 1974, pp.42-44.

([42]) Voir Pierre Nora, "L'Histoire de France de Lavisse", Les Lieux de Mémoire, op.cit, Volume II, Tome 1, p.329.

([43]) "L'héroïsme de l'esprit", op.cit., p.4O. Après son attaque du 22 mai 1871 Michelet rédige une note manuscrite, intitulée "Moi-Histoire-Nature", où on lit: "J'ai commencé à être, c'est-à-dire à écrire, à la fin de 183O", (cité par Paul Viallaneix, Oeuvres Complètes, op.cit., Tome II, Paris, Flammarion, 1972, p.217.)

([44]) Cf. Daniel Milo, "Le nom des rues", in Les Lieux de Mémoire, op.cit., Tome II, Volume 3, pp.283-320.

([45]) Witold Kula, Les mesures et les hommes, Paris, M.S.H., 1984(1970).

([46]) Hillel Schwartz, Century's End, op.cit., p.157.

([47]) Note des auteurs: "A la représentation l'actrice devra changer cette date, et lui substituer toujours le lendemain du jour de cette représentation"

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